Dr. Sazzad Siddiqui

Abstract The absence of colonial and post-colonial examinations of the conflict-ravaged Chittagong Hill Tracts (CHT) – a Bangladesh’s distant fringe– warranted me to explore how colonial legacy facilitated the post-colonial statist approach and majoritarian Bengali supremacists’ tendencies to exploit and subjugate the distinct CHT culture. This reconnaissance endeavour finds that the history of extortion of the Chittagong Hill Tracts (CHT)indigenous peoples is a suitable example of racism victims, and thus it examines in the light of the colonial and post-colonial discourses. This explorative study – based on secondary sources of data – finds the very ideas of racism practices, especially identity politics, demographic politics, and women’s subjugation, are prevalent in this postcolonial (and internally colonised) terrain. Philosophy and Progress, Vol#71-72; No#1-2; Jan-Dec 2022 P 61-77.

Following the recent 2017 Rohingya influx, Bangladesh now hosts nearly one million Rohingyas. Being persecuted by the Myanmar state machinery and some local vigilantes, they fled for safe refuge in Bangladesh’s Cox's Bazar. Bangladesh sheltered them in 34 overcrowded camps located in the Teknaf and Ukhiya sub-districts of Cox’s Bazar. At present, Rohingyas are counted more than double compared to the local host population in these two areas. This study makes efforts to explicate why and how these stranded Rohingyas can be a security threat to Bangladesh. Theoretically, the study relies on security discourse; ecological and resource scarcity model; and the relative deprivation theory. Under the qualitative research approach, the researchers conducted semi-structured interviews mainly with key informants and subject experts to gather field data. The study brings out that this overpopulation has perplexed the security milieu of the country and forecasts multifaceted internal security threats. Thus, the study offers salient policy recommendations to ameliorate the crisis response by neutralizing the identified and forecasted conflictual issues. Social Science Review, Vol. 40(1), Jun 2023 Page 89-107

The survey for practical consideration is crucial in social and policy science inquiries. Several systematic reviews in the post-conflict peacebuilding literature have thus far ignored its efficaciousness. This knowledge gap motivated in developing Conflict- Affected Population Survey technique to survey the conflict-ravaged Chittagong Hill Tracts indigenous peoples for the purpose of examining peace hybridity in Bangladesh, as the quantitative part of the study. This article outlines guidelines for designing probabilistic sampling and survey procedures for a robust sequential explanatory mixed-methods case study research in a terrain where an accurate sample frame is difficult to define. The systematic methodological strategy adopted herein enabled the compilation of a comprehensive cross-sectional case study where findings are generalizable, especially the concept and model central to our thesis on indigeneity dilution.

Abstract For more than four decades (since 1978) the world has witnessed an incremental escalation of atrocities against the Rohingya minorities. The latest 2017 ethnic cleansing operation conducted by Myanmar forced around one million Rohingya population into Bangladesh's Cox's Bazar. The Rohingya minorities (mostly Muslims) experience unprecedented brutalities and are the world's most vulnerable and oppressed ethnoreligious minority. The normative analysis warrants that the rise and pervasive practice of nationalist politics and the sharp dividing line of ethnoreligious sentiment in post-World War II times undermined the Rohingya identity and their historic belonging. Moreover, the politics that centered on the ethnoreligious identity of this community have stalemated the path towards a peaceful resolution of the crisis. The summary of the Key Informant (KI) interviews along with Focused Group Discussions (FGD) conducted in Teknaf and Ukhiya sub-districts of Cox's Bazar in Bangladesh help mapping the nature and dynamics of the Rohingya impasse and identify as protracted conflict. Since the likelihood of repatriation soon is found implausible rather perpetuity of the crisis is envisioned, the selected Dhaka and Cox's Bazar-based Expert Participants helped to draw some quirky policy resolutions to get it out of the orthodox nationalist-legal framework of conflict resolution.

This article examines the sociopolitical implications of cashless government-to-person (G2P) transfers in Bangladesh. It focuses on their role in peacebuilding through the lens of social cohesion. Drawing on a mixed-methods study across four major social safety net programs—Old Age Allowance, Widow/Deserted and Destitute Women Allowance, Maternity Allowance and the Hijra Community Allowance—the research compares beneficiary experiences under both cash-based and digital modalities. Findings reveal that although digital payments improve convenience, safety and perceptions of dignity, they also generate new challenges, including digital literacy gaps, reliance on intermediaries and small-scale rent-seeking. Quantitative data sometimes indicate stronger performance under cash-based systems; however, qualitative evidence highlights beneficiaries’ preference for digital transfers due to enhanced transparency and reduced risks of robbery and harassment. The study further uncovers a divergence in trust between NGOs and state institutions, suggesting that NGO-led delivery, although effective, may inadvertently sideline state legitimacy unless better co-managed. By situating these results within peacebuilding theory, the article argues that G2P transfers contribute to positive peace by strengthening both horizontal (community) and vertical (state–citizen) cohesion, provided implementation challenges are addressed. The findings have implications for designing inclusive digital financial ecosystems that align social protection with state legitimacy and sustaining peacebuilding.

In fragile democracies like Bangladesh, counter-terrorism narratives have often been instrumentalized by populist regimes to consolidate power, reflecting Noam Chomsky’s notion of “manufacturing consent.” During Sheikh Hasina’s 15-year rule, security crises were used to justify authoritarian practices, co-opt intellectuals, and suppress dissent. This “intellectual honey trap” encouraged academics to legitimize state repression under the guise of combating extremism while avoiding critiques of structural injustices. By politicizing terrorism discourse, the regime entrenched its authority until its collapse amid the 2024 student uprising. The Bangladeshi experience underscores the dangers of intellectual co-optation and the urgent need to safeguard academic integrity and democratic accountability.

যে কোন উগ্র কর্মকান্ডের প্রাথমিক সূতিকাগার হলো মানুষের মন তথা মস্তিষ্ক। জাতিসংঘ সনদের মুখবন্ধে এই বিষয়ে সুস্পষ্ট বর্ণনা রয়েছে। মানুষের মস্তিষ্কের গঠন প্রণালী এবং চিন্তাশক্তির উপর নির্ভর করে, কোন ব্যক্তি শান্তিকামী হবে নাকি সহিংস কিংবা উগ্রবাদী হবে। লাগামহীন মুক্তবাজার অর্থনীতি ও পুজিবাদী আর্থ-সামাজিক বাস্তবতায় জাগতিক ভোগ-বিলাস এবং অপ্রাপ্যতাবোধ অনেক মানুষকে খুব সহজেই বিপথগামী করে তোলে। যাদের অনেকই সহিংস উগ্রবাদের পথ বেছে নেয়। ‘সহিংস উগ্রবাদ’ একটি ব্যাপক ও বিস্তর আলোচ্য বিষয় যার সঠিক সংজ্ঞায়ন ব্যতীত এবং এর সুস্পস্ট ধারণা ছাড়া কোন গ্রহনযোগ্য অনুসিদ্ধান্তের অবতারণা সম্ভবপর নয়। যেমণ- সহিংস উগ্রবাদ বিষয়ক আলোচনা যদি ‘অহিংস উগ্রবাদ’ কিংবা ‘কাঠামোগত সন্ত্রাস’ এর মত অতি গুরত্বপূর্ণ এবং প্রাসঙ্গিক বিষয় সমূহকে সাথে না রাখে তবে সে আলোচনা নিশ্চয়ই তার গুরত্ব হারায়। তাই এই প্রবন্ধ কিছু গুরত্বপূর্ণ গবেষণা প্রশ্নের অবতারণার পাশাপাশি ‘সহিংস উগ্রবাদের’ সাথে ‘অহিংস উগ্রবাদ’ ও ‘কাঠামোগত সন্ত্রাস’ এর সম্পর্কের সূত্র দেখানোর চেষ্টা করেছে। এ সমস্ত বিষয় বিবেচনায় রেখেই ‘সহিংস উগ্রবাদ’ বিষয়ক তাত্ত্বিক লিখাটি বিভিন্ন প্রাসঙ্গিকতা গুরত্বের পাশাপাশি এর রাজনৈতিক ও ধর্মীয় দিক সবিস্তার আলোকপাত করেছে। পরিশেষে, সহিংস উগ্রবাদ প্রতিরোধ এবং শান্তি ও সহনশীলতা উন্নয়নে করণীয় সম্পর্কে খানিকটা দিক নির্দেশনা দেয়ারও চেষ্টা করেছে। পুরো আলোচনায় তাত্বিক বিষয়ের সাথে বাংলাদেশসহ অনেক আনুষঙ্গিক উদাহরণ যুক্ত হয়েছে।